In international relations, public diplomacy is a term coined in 1965 to describe the conduct of foreign policy by engagement with foreign publics. It has been closely associated with the former United States Information Agency, which used the term to define its mission.
But public diplomacy is also civility, explanation, communication, dialogue, attitude and much more to inform and influence. It is practiced through personal contact, media interviews, educational & cultural exchange, speaking opportunities, motion pictures and publications including nowadays the internet and all its social dynamics.
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3. Moreover, we should not use naturalized independent American religious figures to travel on behalf of the US government to speak about the tolerance that exists within the US. Instead, we should strengthen the bridge between the immigrant communities in the US and their countries of origin through successful Americans of their heritages who came to this country 20 to 30 years ago and who excel in their business practices and personal lives. This will solidify public diplomacy and best represents the tolerance that makes peaceful coexistence possible.
4. We should keep our outreach to the Middle Eastern communities in the US robust through Middle Eastern American officers who maintain relationships with those communities and assist them to be open and embrace the American way of life. This will make public diplomacy original and will minimize, from one side, the intelligence community concerns and, from the other side, the immigrant community’s sense of a scrutinized way of life.
5. We should create a national advisory board of successful Middle Eastern Americans from all religious backgrounds to assist, with their ideas and patronage, the White House and the Department of State in improving the people to people relations in this part of the world. Serve at the pleasure of the President of the United States. This will make the US public diplomacy a winner.
The overall picture of public diplomacy is not only influencing and informing but also changing things. Whatever we did in the Middle East since September 11, 2001 it definitely paved the way for this year’s Arab Spring. It all began with the fall of the dictator of Iraq Saddam Hussein and Operation Iraq Freedom on March 19, 2003, which resulted in a new inclusive constitution: elections in local municipalities and parliament; the formation of a democratic government and the building of the security and armed forces and many others. I always said that the Middle East is like an old oak tree routed in dictatorships, corruptions, terrorism, youth without future and full of lies and manipulations. This oak tree needed a positive outside force to shake it up and shake it well. And this is what happened. That was the first smell for an Arab Spring.
However, the actual launching of the Arab Spring started with the Cedar Revolution on March 14, 2005 when more than a million Lebanese from all religious backgrounds went to the heart of Beirut and called for the end of the Syrian occupation forces to leave Lebanon. This gutsy stand was carried on all TV around the world and the Cedar Revolution became the symbol of freedom in the Arab countries from the Fertile Crescent to the Arab peninsula.
I remember how my colleagues at USAID and State come by my office jubilant and happy to see this unexpected movement which led to the withdrawal of the Syrian troops on April 27, 2005. But prior to March 14, 2005 two very important events took place that led to forcing the Assad regime’s troops out - 1. On September 2, 2004 the United States and France led the efforts in the United Nations Security Council which voted on UNSCR 1559 calling on Syria to leave Lebanon immediately - 2. The assassination of the internationally well known former PM Rafic Hariri on February 14, 2005. These two events played a major role in breaking Assad’s grip over Lebanon.
With the shakeup in Iraq in 2003 and the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon in 2005, the giant was still sleeping waiting for a spark. Suddenly, it happened on December 17, 2010 when a Tunisian by the name of Mohammed Bouaziz set himself on fire. Finally, the giant was awakened and the domino effect started. We are all today witnessing these extraordinary events which have reminded us of the sudden collapse of the Berlin wall.
As the wall of dictatorships in the Middle East is collapsing, I believe we will similarly see the collapse of Muslim fanaticism and the tyranny of the “Shador,” and give women in the broader Middle East the freedom and the equality they yearn for. The elimination of Osama Bin laden cannot have happened at a better time, even though some people believe that he became irrelevant with the Arab revolutions.
Several factors have led this great generation of Arabs to stand up for their rights: 1. the unquenchable human thirst for freedom and dignity; 2. the decayed dictatorships that could not bring about a better future; 3. The revelations from Wikileaks that confirmed the widespread corruption and abuses among the region’s governments; 4. and last but not least social media technology that made the world a small town. We all felt we are in “Tahrir” square and Bourgeba’s boulevard and now in Bengazi and Musrata, in Daara, Douma and Banias.
There are striking similarities and even a sense of déjà vu when you compare Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf, the Information Minister of Sadam’s regime with Bouthaina Shaaban, Spokeswoman for the Assad regimes and Moussa Ibrahim, Spokesman of the Qaddafi’s regime. They belong to an elite club as the mouthpieces of crumbling dictators in the Middle East.
Consider the similarities of their accusations, lies and utter manipulation of the truth. In Syria for example, showering blame left and right and accusing Lebanon and Jordan of causing the downfall of the regime is unbelievable. Accusing Syrian nationals of terrorism against the regime is preposterous. Accusing other foreign countries because your people want freedom is ridiculous. No one but the Syrian people have a say in their country. They are the one who are speaking, and they are saying “Mr. Assad it is time for your family to go.”
President Obama and the international community must increase the pressure on the Assad regime and help the Syrian people to a new dawn. I believe Senator John Kerry, Chairman of the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, has come to realize that whatever he was told during his last trips to Damascus were all lies. He was not the first US official to realize that. Former Secretary of State Colin Powell and former Deputy Secretary of State Richard L. Armitage and scores of US officials came to the same conclusion and stopped meeting with this regime.
The fall of Bashar El-Assad is the fall of the Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas triangle. Syria will return to the Arab fold with a much better constitution. Hezbollah will disarm and Lebanon will be free from the Iranian grip and from having a state within a state. The Palestinians will unite for their next elections and Hamas will not be able to maintain its operations. Iraq will become more stable and the car bombs will stop for ever. Israel will have a real chance for a final peace settlement with its Arab neighbors. In a nutshell, the Middle East will be a much better place.
Thomas Paine once said:”no man or country can be really free unless all men and all countries are free.” In order for Lebanon to be truly free; for a united Palestinian state to emerge; a stable Iraq to finally exist and a true peace with Israel to take place, we need, first and foremost, a free Syria.
President Woodrow Wilson said: “I believe in democracy, because it releases the energy of every human being.” The Syrians are releasing their energy right before our eyes in their brave calls for “God, Freedom and Syria only.” They are pledging allegiance to a free Syria from the Assad family and its Ba’ath party. It is in the interest of the United States and Europe not to pass this historic moment, but to be participants in the shaping of this new Near East. 㰀戀爀 ⼀㸀㰀戀爀 ⼀㸀 㰀⼀琀搀㸀 㰀⼀琀爀㸀 㰀⼀琀愀戀氀攀㸀 㰀℀ⴀⴀ 䤀渀猀琀愀渀挀攀䔀渀搀䔀搀椀琀愀戀氀攀 ⴀⴀ㸀 㰀⼀琀搀㸀 㰀⼀琀爀㸀 㰀琀爀㸀 㰀琀搀 栀攀椀最栀琀㴀∀㌀ ∀ 戀最挀漀氀漀爀㴀∀⌀㈀㌀㘀㔀㠀㠀∀㸀㰀瀀 愀氀椀最渀㴀∀挀攀渀琀攀爀∀㸀㰀椀昀爀愀洀攀 猀爀挀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䌀漀瀀礀爀椀最栀琀⸀栀琀洀∀ 洀愀爀最椀渀眀椀搀琀栀㴀∀ ∀ 洀愀爀最椀渀栀攀椀最栀琀㴀∀ ∀ 眀椀搀琀栀㴀∀㔀 ∀ 栀攀椀最栀琀㴀∀㈀ ∀ 戀漀爀搀攀爀㴀∀ ∀ 昀爀愀洀攀戀漀爀搀攀爀㴀∀ ∀ 猀琀礀氀攀㴀∀戀漀爀搀攀爀㨀渀漀渀攀㬀∀ 猀挀爀漀氀氀椀渀最㴀∀渀漀∀㸀㰀⼀椀昀爀愀洀攀㸀㰀戀爀 ⼀㸀 㰀⼀瀀㸀 㰀⼀琀搀㸀 㰀⼀琀爀㸀 㰀⼀琀愀戀氀攀㸀㰀⼀搀椀瘀㸀㰀洀愀瀀 渀愀洀攀㴀∀䴀愀瀀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㐀㜀Ⰰ㐀㐀Ⰰ㤀Ⰰ㘀㌀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㤀㘀Ⰰ㐀㐀Ⰰ㔀㤀Ⰰ㘀㌀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䈀椀漀最爀愀瀀栀礀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㘀㌀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㈀㈀㜀Ⰰ㘀㌀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䐀攀搀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㈀㌀Ⰰ㐀㐀Ⰰ㌀ 㜀Ⰰ㘀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䰀愀琀攀猀琀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㌀ Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㌀㔀㜀Ⰰ㘀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀儀甀漀琀攀猀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㌀㘀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㐀㈀㌀Ⰰ㘀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀匀瀀攀攀挀栀攀猀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㐀㈀㜀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㐀㜀㘀Ⰰ㘀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䄀爀琀椀挀氀攀猀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㐀㠀Ⰰ㐀㘀Ⰰ㔀㐀Ⰰ㘀 ∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀儀─㈀ 䄀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㔀㐀㘀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㔀㤀Ⰰ㘀 ∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀倀椀挀琀甀爀攀猀⼀䄀氀戀甀洀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㔀㤀㐀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㘀㌀㐀Ⰰ㘀㈀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀嘀椀搀攀漀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㘀㌀㘀Ⰰ㐀㔀Ⰰ㘀㜀 Ⰰ㔀㤀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䈀漀漀欀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀 㰀愀爀攀愀 猀栀愀瀀攀㴀∀爀攀挀琀∀ 挀漀漀爀搀猀㴀∀㘀㜀㔀Ⰰ㐀㘀Ⰰ㜀㐀㌀Ⰰ㘀㈀∀ 栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀眀愀氀椀搀洀愀愀氀漀甀昀⸀挀漀洀⼀䌀漀渀琀愀挀琀⼀椀渀搀攀砀⸀栀琀洀∀㸀㰀⼀洀愀瀀㸀㰀⼀戀漀搀礀㸀㰀℀ⴀⴀ 䤀渀猀琀愀渀挀攀䔀渀搀 ⴀⴀ㸀㰀⼀栀琀洀氀㸀�